Intention to consume news via personal social media network and political trust among young people: The evidence from Hong Kong

Associated Data

Data Availability Statement: The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Abstract

Introduction

Assessing the effect of different media sources on political trust provides an overall picture of the role of the current media landscape in influencing the legitimacy of political institutions.

Methods

A cross-lagged model was developed and tested by applying it to a three-wave dataset obtained by surveying young people in Hong Kong in order to evaluate the unique impact of intention to consume news via personal social media network on political trust.

Results

After controlling for the impact of other news channels and respondents’ prior political interest, we found their political trust was most significantly affected by information intentionally obtained from friends and family through their personal social media network.

Discussion

Media exhibits a relatively weak effect on political trust, which is primarily influenced by selection, indicating that policymakers do not have to be concerned with online exchange of information that is critical of the government. Moreover, this evidence from Hong Kong suggests that, when it comes to developing political trust throughout the society, conflicts resulting from opposing views are better than ignorance.

Keywords:

news, political trust, social media, young people, Hong Kong

5. Materials and methods

5.1. Procedures

Following previous studies on media and politics in which young people were defined as those aged 16–24 years, we targeted the same age group in Hong Kong for our data collection (Bakker and De Vreese, 2011; Lee and Chan, 2012). To ensure that the study sample was representative of this subpopulation of Hong Kong, we adopted a two-stage stratified sample design, as this is a sampling method frequently used by the Census and Statistics Department of Hong Kong. In the first stage, we selected a random sample of households based on geographical area and neighborhood type. In the second stage, from each household, one member aged 16–24 (as determined by their last birthday), if available, was invited to partake in the survey.

For this purpose, we prepared a paper-based questionnaire featuring a clearly stated research purpose on the first page. Only young people who gave their formal informed consent (which was sought from the parents for those under 18 years of age) proceed with the survey, which they completed in the presence of researchers, who were available to answer any questions. Three waves of data collection were conducted, coinciding with large-scale social movements in which many young people actively participated. Thus, the first survey wave was conducted in October 2015, 10 months after the Umbrella Movement had ended; the second wave was conducted in October 2016, 8 months after the serious Mong Kok violent conflicts; and the third wave was completed in April 2017, when the Hong Kong Chief Executive election had been completed and the voters had not yet achieved universal suffrage.

The first wave of data collection included 616 young people (56.9% of whom were male). However, 216 and further 184 failed to complete the second and third wave, respectively, resulting in only 216 complete individual datasets available for analysis. The characteristics of the final sample that participated in all three waves are provided in . Although attrition was significant, further analyses did not uncover significant differences between the remaining participants and the dropouts.

Table 1

Wave 1Wave 2Wave 3Mean (Standard deviation)/PercentageAge18.81 (2.70)19.81 (2.70)20.03 (2.79)Range of age16–2417–2517–26Male56.9%56.9%56.9%Education levelSecondary school75.0%51.4%50.5%Postsecondary school18.1%37.5%42.6%Not provide the answer6.9%11.1%6.9%Economic statusEmployee22.7%29.2%23.6%Self-employed0.5%0.0%0.0%Student71.8%67.6%74.1%Unemployed1.9%2.3%2.3%Not provide the answer3.2%0.9%0.0%Open in a separate window

5.2. Measures

A single item was used to assess the intention to consume news from a personal social media network (de Zúñiga et al., 2014; Ekström and Östman, 2015). Young people were asked, “On a typical day, how often do you use social media sites such as Facebook, LINE, and WhatsApp to get news about current political events from your friends and family members?” The options were scaled from 1 (never) to 5 (very often).

For measuring political trust, following the strategy adopted by Ceron (2015), we employed three items, pertaining, respectively, to the respondents’ degree of trust in Hong Kong’s political parties, the Hong Kong Legislative Council, and the Hong Kong government. Their responses were given on a five-point scale, ranging from 1 (no trust at all) to 5 (complete trust).

For obtaining data pertaining to covariates, we adopted three items from the survey conducted by Dimitrova et al. (2014), pertaining to the intention to consumer news via the newspapers, TV, radio, and the internet. For each item, participants were instructed to select one of the 11 options (15 min or less, 16–30 min, 31 min to 1 h, 61 min to 1.5 h, 91 min to 2 h, 121 min to 2.5 h, 151 min to 3 h, 181 min to 3.5 h, 211 min to 4 h, 241 min to 4.5 h, and more than 4.5 h) to report how much time they spent reading newspaper news, listening to radio news, watching television news, and reading, listening, and watching online news in a typical day. These options were coded from 1 to 11.

Finally, three questions were used to assess the participants’ political interest based on the measurements developed by Boulianne (2011), namely (1) “Are you interested in information about what is going on in government and politics?” whereby options were scaled from 1 (not at all interested), to 5 (extremely interested); (2) “How closely do you pay attention to information about what is going on in government and politics?” with the responses ranging from 1 (not closely at all) to 5 (extremely closely); and (3) “How often do you pay attention to what is going on in government and politics?” where options were scaled from 1 (never) to 5 (all the time).

5.3. Data analysis

To address the measurement issues, we performed confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) on the data obtained in each wave to establish three latent variables. Specifically, we tested if the intention to consume news via traditional media can be loaded on the intention to consume news through newspapers, radio, and TV; we evaluated if political trust can be loaded on trust in Hong Kong political parties, the Hong Kong Legislative Council, and the Hong Kong Government; and we assessed if political interest can be loaded on the three relevant items. Due to the small sample size, we did not integrate the measurement model into the main analysis. Instead, factor scores for the three waves were computed and saved.

In the main analysis, we tested four hypotheses by fitting a cross-lagged model to the survey data. In the hypothesized model, we drew links from political interest to the intention to consume news via three channels (i.e., traditional media, new media on the Internet, and personal social media network), as well as those linking the intention to consume news via three channels to political trust. We also drew a direct link from political interest to political trust, and a series of links from the prior status of a variable to its later status. The Amos 26 (IBM New York) was adopted to assess the hypothesized cross-lagged model. To ensure that the model remains theory-driven, we were careful to add links based on the modification indices. The unstandardized pathway from Wave 1 to Wave 2 was constrained to be equal to that from Wave 2 and Wave 3 for all links.

6. Results

The CFA results indicate that the hypothesized factorial structure was well supported by the data gathered in the three survey waves [Wave 1: Chi-squared (df = 25) = 52.191; GFI = 0.949; RMSEA = 0.071; Wave 2: Chi-squared (df = 26) = 40.875; GFI = 0.959; RMSEA = 0.052; Wave 3: Chi-squared (df = 26) = 67.986; GFI = 0.936; RMSEA = 0.087]. The factor loadings for the measurement models at the three waves are reported in . All factor loadings were highly significant and larger than 0.40.

Table 2

ItemsWave 1Wave 2Wave 3News consumption from the traditional mediaNewspaper0.820.640.69Radio0.540.760.74TV0.580.420.77Political trustTrust in Hong Kong political parties0.900.780.93Trust in Hong Kong Legislative Council0.780.850.81Trust in Hong Kong Government0.690.670.76Political interestAre you interested in information about what is going on in government and politics?0.860.780.92How closely do you pay attention to information about what is going on in government and politics?0.920.900.87How often do you pay attention to what is going on in government and politics?0.830.770.92Open in a separate window

The computed factor scores were used to evaluate the cross-lagged models. The finalized model results are reported in and show acceptable model−data fit [Chi-squared (df = 80) = 236.562; GFI = 0.88; RMSEA = 0.095]. After controlling for prior status of political trust and political interest, the intention to consume news via personal social media network was the only variable with a positive and significant effect on political trust (β = 0.10, p < 0.05; β = 0.09, p < 0.05). In comparison, the intention to consume news from the internet and the traditional media did not have any significant effect on political trust. Political interest was found to significantly and positively influence political trust in a direct way (β = 0.17, p < 0.01; β = 0.13, p < 0.01). Moreover, our data analysis revealed that intention to consume news via personal social media network could facilitate the intention to consume news on the internet (β = 0.24, p < 0.001; β = 0.22, p < 0.001).

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Political trust at T1 was found to insignificantly predict that at T2 (β = 0.07, p > 0.05). Political trust at T2 was found to insignificantly influence that at T3 (β = 0.05, p > 0.05). The findings are as expected because the data were collected in a time period during which a number of political events took place and political trust of young people experienced a tremendous fluctuation. The unstable political trust across three waves was actually an additional advantage of exploring the relative importance of different factors (e.g., intention to consume news via channels and political interest) in influencing the political trust of young people.

7. Discussion

As a part of the present study, we analyzed a three-wave dataset collected from a representative sample of Hong Kong’s youth to assess the role played by the intention to consume news via personal social networks in predicting political trust. Our findings indicate that news intentionally obtained from friends and family members within a personal social media network improved political trust, suggesting a relatively weak media effect and a relatively strong selection effect.

The results show that, in the current high-choice media environment, as users have diverse means of accessing news, the effect of each source of information may be weakened (Strömbäck et al., 2016). Thus, it is increasingly challenging for the political elite to establish influential power among young people and build their political trust. However, when young people utilize the internet for political purposes and intentionally consume news, there is no need for policy makers to be concerned about the influence of anti-government information affecting political trust, as the traditional media and government channels on the internet and the other new online media sources seem to be unable to effectively shape political trust. Although Government sectors and traditional mainstream news corporations are active in running official channels on a range of new media sites, the results of our model clearly show that they possess little capacity to affect political trust (Ananny, 2014; Zhang and Guo, 2021).

Motivated by reporting of Anspach (2017) that the intention to consume news through personal social media networks promotes perusal of different opinions, resulting in a dampened partisan orientation, our study appears to be the first to use the panel data to link news intentionally obtained from friends and family through social media to political trust. Akin to the heterogeneous information to which users of the new media (e.g., blog, Line TV) are exposed through the internet, information emerging from their personal social media networks is also diversified. However, in this context, social media users may choose not to ignore information which does not align with their views. The individual’s intention to consume attitude-inconsistent information from friends may be regarded as an opportunity to better understand their peers, which is a crucial step in establishing personal influence in the online network (Weeks et al., 2015; Mummolo, 2016). Thus, a non-radical and centralized belief system and trust in the political system may still be maintained after carefully reviewing all news endorsed by peers, no matter whether the information is “liked” or “disliked.” Our data collection waves were deliberately chosen to coincide with important social movements in Hong Kong, which prompted discord among families and friends due to their different political orientations. Our findings suggest that this should not be a concern, as such conflicts are much better than ignorance in terms of building trust in politics within the broader society, introducing an interesting avenue for policymakers and educators to build political trust among young people.

Indeed, previous research reveals that “actual news consumption” (mostly referring to passive news consumption) via social media is usually linked to opinion polarization and reducing political trust among young people in Hong Kong (Jost et al., 2018; Zhu et al., 2019, 2020; Boulianne et al., 2020; Zhu and Chou, 2022). Nevertheless, this research suggests that “the intention to consume news” via personal social media network is able to slightly promote young people’s political trust. Therefore, it is interesting that policy makers can opt for either increase censorship of social media to avoid political polarization (inspired by the effect of passive news consumption on extreme political attitudes in the literature) or use social media as an education platform to promote political trust (inspired by this study). This can be a quite valuable research question for future studies to further explore.

Overall, our results highlight the importance of intention to use personal social media network to get news in building political trust. They also suggest that there is no need to fear information that is unfavorable to the regime being disseminated via the internet, as the new medias are open to all sources and are strong enough to balance the impact of negative voices.

8. Limitations

Although this study contributes to both theoretical and policy implications, its limitations must be considered when interpreting the reported findings. In particular, due to high attrition, the final sample is quite small for precluding integration of measurement models into the structural model and perform full structural equation modeling. In addition, only one subjective item was adopted to measure respondents’ intention to consume news from the internet and their personal social media network, which made it inadequate to analyze and discuss measurement issues further (Guess, 2015). Thus, these limitations should be addressed when replicating or extending this study to other societies. Future investigation on the link between the intention to consume news and political trust could consider employing experience sampling and objective observation through tracking software as options.

Data availability statement

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Ethics statement

Ethical approval was obtained from The Education University of Hong Kong. Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study. Written informed consent to participate in this study was provided by the participants’ legal guardian/next of kin.

Author contributions

YZ, ZT, and AZ contributed to conception and design of the study and wrote the first draft of the manuscript. YZ, JH, and AZ contributed to the methodology section. YZ, ZT, and ZZ performed the statistical analysis. JH, YZ, ZZ, and ZT reviewed and edited the manuscript. YZ contributed to the funding acquisition of this study. All authors contributed to the article and approved the submitted version.

Funding

This study was funded by grants from the Public Policy Research Funding Scheme, Hong Kong SAR (Project Number 2014.A5.006.15A) and the Hong Kong Scholars Programme, Society of Hong Kong Scholars and China National Postdoctoral Council.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

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